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Wayne's Midnight Assault on Stony Point

Stony Point, NY

**Wayne's Midnight Assault on Stony Point** By the summer of 1779, the American Revolution had reached a frustrating stalemate in the northern theater. After the British defeat at Saratoga in 1777 and the bitter winter at Valley Forge, General George Washington's Continental Army had grown more disciplined and professional, yet it lacked the strength to challenge the main British garrison in New York City directly. The British, for their part, had shifted much of their strategic focus to the southern colonies, but they remained aggressive along the Hudson River corridor, which they viewed as vital to splitting the rebellious states in two. In late May 1779, British forces under Sir Henry Clinton seized Stony Point, a rocky promontory jutting into the Hudson River about thirty-five miles north of New York City. The British fortified the position heavily, installing batteries and surrounding the works with two rows of sharpened wooden obstacles called abatis. A garrison of roughly 625 troops, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Henry Johnson of the 17th Regiment of Foot, held the point. The capture of Stony Point, along with the nearby fort at Verplanck's Point on the opposite bank, threatened American control of the vital King's Ferry crossing and posed a broader danger to Washington's strategic position in the Hudson Highlands. Washington was determined to respond. He turned to one of his most aggressive and capable subordinates, Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, a Pennsylvanian already earning the reputation that would later cement his nickname "Mad Anthony." Washington ordered Wayne to study the fortification and devise a plan for its recapture. After careful reconnaissance, including intelligence gathered by Captain Allen McLane, who personally scouted the British defenses, Wayne proposed an audacious nighttime bayonet assault. The plan was bold and dangerous in the extreme: the attacking force would advance with unloaded muskets, relying entirely on the bayonet to prevent accidental discharges that would reveal their position and sow confusion in the darkness. Wayne organized his 1,350-man light infantry corps into two assault columns. The right column, which Wayne personally led, would strike the southern face of the fortification, while the left column, commanded by Colonel Richard Butler, would attack from the north. A smaller diversionary force under Major Hardy Murfree would advance along the causeway at the center, firing their muskets to draw British attention and create the illusion of a frontal assault. Preceding each of the main columns were volunteer units known as "forlorn hopes" — soldiers who accepted the near-suicidal task of leading the way, hacking through the abatis under enemy fire to clear a path for the troops behind them. Lieutenant Colonel François de Fleury, a French volunteer serving with the Continental Army, led the forlorn hope of the right column, while Lieutenant George Knox led the volunteers on the left. The assault began around half past midnight on July 16, 1779. The forlorn hopes plunged into the abatis, chopping through the sharpened stakes while British defenders poured musket fire down upon them. Behind them, the main columns surged forward with bayonets fixed, scrambling up the rocky slopes in disciplined silence. The fighting was fierce but remarkably swift. Within approximately forty-five minutes, both columns had breached the fortifications and converged inside the works. François de Fleury became the first allied soldier to enter the main British fortification, hauling down the enemy flag. The British garrison suffered 63 killed, 70 wounded, and 472 captured, while American losses were comparatively light at 15 killed and 83 wounded. Wayne himself was struck by a musket ball that grazed his head during the final moments of the assault. Believing the wound might be fatal, he reportedly asked his aides to carry him into the fort so he could die, if die he must, inside the captured works. The wound proved superficial, and Wayne survived to fight many more battles. The victory at Stony Point electrified the American cause at a moment when morale desperately needed lifting. Although Washington ultimately decided the position was too exposed to hold permanently and ordered the fortifications demolished, the strategic and psychological impact of the assault was significant. It demonstrated that the Continental Army could execute complex, disciplined operations against fortified positions, validating the training reforms instituted by Baron von Steuben at Valley Forge. Congress awarded Wayne a gold medal, and both de Fleury and Butler received silver medals for their roles. The assault at Stony Point stands as one of the most brilliantly executed small-unit actions of the entire Revolutionary War, a testament to careful planning, bold leadership, and the growing professionalism of the American soldier.

Fairfax Resolves Adopted

Alexandria, VA

# The Fairfax Resolves: A Foundation of American Independence On July 18, 1774, a gathering of prominent citizens assembled at the courthouse in Alexandria, Virginia, to take a stand that would reverberate through the colonies and help shape the very foundations of American independence. The document they adopted that day — known as the Fairfax Resolves — represented one of the most eloquent, comprehensive, and intellectually rigorous statements of colonial grievances produced before the Declaration of Independence itself. Drafted by the brilliant Virginia patriot statesman George Mason and presented at a meeting chaired by George Washington, the Resolves gave voice to a constitutional philosophy that would soon inspire a revolution. To understand the significance of the Fairfax Resolves, one must first consider the political climate that produced them. By the summer of 1774, tensions between the American colonies and the British Parliament had reached a dangerous crescendo. Parliament had passed the so-called Intolerable Acts — a series of punitive measures targeting Massachusetts in the wake of the Boston Tea Party — and colonists throughout British North America viewed these acts as a direct assault on their fundamental liberties. The closing of Boston Harbor, the restructuring of the Massachusetts colonial government, and the quartering of British troops in colonial homes alarmed patriots far beyond New England. In Virginia, where the planter class had long cherished its traditions of self-governance, leaders recognized that what happened to Massachusetts could happen to any colony. It was within this atmosphere of growing alarm and solidarity that George Mason put pen to paper. Mason, a deeply learned and principled Fairfax County planter who preferred the life of a private citizen to the spotlight of public office, was nonetheless one of the most formidable political thinkers of his generation. In drafting the Fairfax Resolves, he constructed a careful constitutional argument that went to the heart of the colonial dispute with Britain. The document contained twenty-four resolves that collectively declared that American colonists possessed the same inherent rights as Englishmen born within Great Britain — including, crucially, the right not to be taxed without their own consent through elected representatives. Mason argued that Parliament had no legitimate authority to impose taxes on the colonies because the colonists had no representation in that body. This was not mere protest; it was a sophisticated legal and philosophical framework that challenged the very structure of imperial governance. Beyond its constitutional arguments, the Fairfax Resolves called for immediate and practical action. The document urged a policy of non-importation of British goods, proposing an economic boycott as a means of pressuring Parliament to reverse its oppressive policies. It also recommended the formation of a continental congress where delegates from all the colonies could coordinate their response to British overreach. George Washington, who chaired the Alexandria meeting and lent his considerable prestige to the proceedings, carried the spirit of these resolves with him when he traveled to Philadelphia as a Virginia delegate to the First Continental Congress later that year. The Fairfax Resolves directly influenced the Continental Congress's adoption of the Continental Association, which established a colony-wide system of non-importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption agreements. The lasting importance of the Fairfax Resolves, however, extends well beyond 1774. Mason's articulation of natural rights, constitutional governance, and the limits of governmental authority became foundational ideas in the American revolutionary movement. His language and reasoning directly influenced Thomas Jefferson as he composed the Declaration of Independence two years later, and Mason's philosophical framework reappeared in the Virginia Declaration of Rights and the Virginia Constitution, documents that in turn shaped the United States Bill of Rights. In many ways, the ideas born at the Alexandria courthouse that July day became the intellectual bedrock upon which an entire nation was built. The Fairfax Resolves remind us that the American Revolution was won not only on battlefields but also in the minds of visionary thinkers who dared to articulate a new understanding of liberty and self-governance.

American Fleet Arrives at Bagaduce

Castine, ME

# American Fleet Arrives at Bagaduce In the summer of 1779, the American Revolution had reached a critical juncture along the northern frontier. The British, seeking to establish a strategic foothold in what is now the state of Maine, had dispatched a force to the small peninsula of Bagaduce, known today as Castine, situated along the eastern shore of Penobscot Bay. Under the command of Brigadier General Francis McLean, approximately 700 British soldiers arrived in June of that year and immediately set about constructing Fort George on the high bluffs overlooking the harbor. The fort was intended to anchor a new loyalist colony called New Ireland, which would serve as a base for naval operations, provide timber for the Royal Navy, and project British power across a vast stretch of contested territory. Three British sloops-of-war were stationed in the harbor below to guard the approach by sea. The news of this incursion alarmed the Massachusetts General Court, which controlled the District of Maine at the time, and the legislature quickly authorized one of the largest American naval expeditions of the entire war — the Penobscot Expedition — to dislodge the enemy before the fort could be completed. The expedition was an ambitious undertaking. Massachusetts assembled a fleet of over forty vessels, including armed warships of the Continental Navy and the Massachusetts State Navy, privateers, and transport ships carrying roughly 1,000 militia and marines. Command of the naval force was given to Commodore Dudley Saltonstall of the Continental Navy, a Connecticut officer with a reputation for being aloof and difficult. The land forces were placed under the command of Brigadier General Solomon Lovell of the Massachusetts militia, with Lieutenant Colonel Paul Revere — the famed patriot rider — serving as commander of the artillery train. The expedition sailed from the waters around Boston and made its way up the coast, arriving at the mouth of Bagaduce Harbor on July 25, 1779. What the Americans found upon arrival should have filled them with confidence. The British garrison was significantly outnumbered, and Fort George remained unfinished, its earthen walls incomplete and its defensive works still taking shape. The three British sloops-of-war in the harbor, while formidable, were outgunned by the combined American fleet. A swift, coordinated assault — a simultaneous naval attack on the ships and an infantry assault on the heights — might well have overwhelmed the defenders before reinforcements could arrive. The opportunity was ripe, and time was of the essence. Yet from the very first day, the American command was paralyzed by indecision and discord. Commodore Saltonstall refused to send his warships against the British sloops without first receiving support from the land forces on the flanks of the harbor. General Lovell, in turn, hesitated to mount a full-scale assault on the heights without naval support to neutralize the enemy ships. Each commander waited for the other to act first, and neither was willing to assume the greater risk. What followed were three agonizing weeks of partial landings, inconclusive skirmishes, and councils of war that produced no decisive action. The Americans managed to land troops and even fought their way up the bluffs in a sharp engagement, but they never pressed the advantage to its conclusion. The consequences of this hesitation proved catastrophic. In mid-August, a powerful British relief squadron under Sir George Collier arrived at Penobscot Bay, and the American fleet, caught between the reinforcements and the shore, was utterly destroyed. Ships were burned, run aground, or captured. The surviving sailors and soldiers were forced to make a harrowing overland retreat through the Maine wilderness. It was the worst American naval defeat until Pearl Harbor more than 160 years later. The arrival at Bagaduce on July 25 thus represents a moment of tremendous unrealized potential — the brief window during which the Americans held every advantage and needed only the will to act. The failure of the Penobscot Expedition became a source of bitter recrimination, led to a formal inquiry by Massachusetts, and ended or damaged the careers of several officers involved, including Saltonstall, who was court-martialed and dismissed from the Continental Navy. The debacle underscored a painful lesson of the Revolutionary War: that unified command, decisive leadership, and the courage to seize fleeting opportunities were as vital to victory as superior numbers.